what’s the matter with kansas?: how conservatives won the heart of america

In 2004, it was easy to moan about how strong the neo-conservative movement in the United States was. The war against gay marriage, abortion, and other social/cultural issues was raging and the neo-cons seemed to be winning—witness the fact that George W. Bush was reelected that year on a platform that consisted of almost nothing except the failures of his first term and the idea that he was somehow of the common people.

This is exactly what journalist and writer Thomas Frank does in What’s the Matter with Kansas?: How Conservatives Won the Heart of America (2004), using his home state of Kansas as the poster child of confused, misguided voting in the U.S., voting by the poor and working class against their economic self-interest. His main questions: why, in Kansas (and, by extension, all over the country), would farmers, blue-collar workers, and poor people, in general—historically faithful Democratic voters—vote Republican, supporting the corporate takeover of their family farms, the Wal-Martizing of their local businesses, and the reduction of taxes for the wealthiest? Why would the people that need the most help getting by support reducing the amount of health care, education, and other public services?

The answer, unsurprising to those that have read George Lakoff, is values. Thomas makes the case that the neo-conservatives have used wedge issues social issues like abortion, gun control, and evolution/creationism—racial and xenophobic fear is notably absent from his list, but I would certainly add them—to polarize the traditionally Democratic base. The ironic thing about these reasons for voting Republican, as Thomas points out, is that little is ever actually accomplished on those issues. The neo-cons run on a platform of social outrage and moral uprightness, but spend their time in office busting unions, cutting taxes, deregulating industries, and gutting our public school system.

Thomas is a thorough researcher, but most of the book is an anecdotal rant, a head-shaking “can you believe this really happened?” What’s missing is the kind of organizing scheme that Lakoff provides, a lack that left me feeling little wiser after reading the book. Nevertheless, Thomas makes some important points. Primary among them: “Somewhere in the last four decades liberalism ceased to be relevant to huge portions of its traditional constituency, and we can say that liberalism lost places like Shawnee and Wichita with as much accuracy as we can point out that conservatism won them over.” The lack of clearly articulated progressive vision, combined with liberal politicians’ concessions to Wall Street and the rich, have impoverished the left and the country has paid the price with 8 years of neo-cons in the White House.

A year after Obama’s election, it feels like we’ve started to recover from those dark days. However, the economic policy debates are still largely framed like they have been since the 1980s. Progress on social issues, incremental as it is, is great, but does little, if anything, to change the economic conditions, distribute wealth and prosperity to all people, and improve health care and education. Only by reframing the issues so that most people see real change as beneficial to them and in line with their values can we move forward to create more justice and equity in our society.

Tim Wise on Van Jones’ resignation

No it’s not all about race, but it’s a lot about race. Check out Wise’s writing on the issue--cogent, insightful, and well-researched, as usual.

the political mind

George Lakoff is a cognitive linguist at the University of California, Berkeley. He is working in a long tradition of scientists who use their knowledge and skills to understand the world we live in and to change the world for the better, as they understand “better”. His books, including The Political Mind (2008), are a part of that project. I admire him for trying and for the power of his work.

I used the phrase “as they understand ‘better’” advisedly. The history of scientists using science to improve the world has been good and bad. Science has been used to eliminate disease, make daily chores easier, and many other good ends; it has also been used—and still is—to further oppressions of all kinds, including racism, sexism, classism, and more.

This is not to say that I dispute Lakoff’s science or even his applications to the political world. In fact, I find the ideas compelling because they help me understand the world and the behavior of people around me. In addition, I like his goals and mostly align with his politics.

But agreeing with Lakoff’s picture of a better world—a picture he outlines in the book’s last chapter—is not important. The science underlying his method for changing the world is important and we should take notice. Lakoff calls that science the 21st century ideas of reason and cognition, which is somewhat self-serving considering that he helped develop the theory. Nevertheless, as I see it the big idea here is that the mind is fundamentally a metaphor instrument (and here we need to note that using the word “instrument” itself evokes a metaphor and one that I don’t think is entirely accurate—instrument implies a tool with a user, but the mind is part of the body and cannot be separated, so who or what would be the user of the “instrument”?). According to Lakoff (and others), we think in and reason with metaphors; every action, every perception, every idea is governed by one or more metaphors that are semi-hardwired in the physical space of our brains.

As I understand the story, our neurons physically form circuits or “frames” or metaphor themes. For example, take a basic action frame: Actor, Action, Acted On. This circuit in the brain is activated by pretty much every action. I could be the actor, writing the action, this blog entry the acted on. Or the actor could be you, reading the action, and still this blog entry the acted on. Every time the frame is activated these roles come into play; my mind is looking for who or what fits the roles. Then our brains take the idea of me—literally another circuit in my brain with an entire frame of associations and knowledge—and binds the actor role with me physically and temporarily.

The binding isn’t permanent, but the more an idea is bound to a role in a frame, the easier it is to do it again. If an idea or person is bound to a role often enough it becomes difficult to separate them because the physical connection between the two brain circuits is now hard to break. This explains, physically, why thinking of yourself as a being in control of your life promotes more of the same. Confidence leads to more confidence, because literally the circuitry that represents you in your brain gets bound in neurons to the circuitry that represents confidence. Of course, the opposite is also true.

This understanding of the brain’s function helps explain and supports lots of ideas about education. Metaphor binding means context is important, that attitude matters, that fun and enthusiasm matter, and that relationships between teachers and students make a difference. Teachers know all this, but now we have a more physical understanding of how it works.

The Political Mind is a deeper exploration and a more nuanced, less specifically political perspective on the ideas from Lakoff’s Don’t Think of an Elephant. The basics of the politics are that conservative worldviews are dominated by authority and obedience, while progressives’ central ideas are empathy and responsibility, with protection and empowerment the main roles of government. Lakoff also claims, I believe rightly, that empathy is the foundation of democracy and the philosophical underpinning of our Declaration of Independence and U.S. Constitution. The specific issues he focuses on mostly are economics, the environment, health care, and wars; rarely does he address race, prisons, or schools.  Still, it is easy to use the frames he develops for any issue. Towards the end, Lakoff adds a nice chapter that synthesizes the development of cognitive linguistics with the history and traditions of science, math, philosophy, and other disciplines.

The science Lakoff discusses is useful and provocative. His attempt to use it to change the world is laudable and may work to some degree—though don’t think we’ll know for years to come. The kinds of frame changes about which he’s talking are literal changes in people’s minds; that take time, persistence, and even luck. In the meantime, he’s given me a powerful way to think about and understand the world.

race matters

Almost a year after Barrack Obama was elected president the debate about what his being the nation’s first biracial president means rages on. Simplifying and generalizing the arguments (always a precarious thing to do): some say it signifies a step beyond race to some place where we do not have to worry about it, where race has nothing to do with how we see and judge people; others admit the importance of Obama’s election, but also speak of the continued racism that people of color face and to statistics about the disproportionate number of people of color living in poverty, failing in our schools, suffering from toxins in their neighborhoods, sitting in prison, and generally dealing with the very real effects of institutional and systemic racism in our society.

In recent weeks the debate was inflamed by the arrest, in his own home, of noted scholar, Henry Louis Gates, Jr., who publicly asserted that he had been the victim of racial profiling. The arresting officer denied the idea and refused to apologize, saying he had no reason to do so. The president weighed in; the papers and talk shows are having a field day. Predictably and revealingly, in a poll, about 3/4 of African-Americans said they thought race was a factor in the arrest; 2/3 of whites said it wasn’t; it is the privilege of the over-class to ignore the world in which the under-class lives.

There is hardly a better moment to read Cornell West’s 1993 classic Race Matters. In essays entitled “Nihilism in Black America,” “Beyond Affirmative Action: Equality and Identity,” “Black Sexuality: The Taboo Subject,” and more, West incisively and profoundly analyzes racism in the U.S. His carefully constructed prose elucidates complex ideas and stimulates further thought. He speaks truth to power in a way that is both provocative and obvious, frequently making me wonder why I hadn’t seen his point before that moment.

Among many, the idea that stands out for me at the moment is that African-Americans are intrinsically part of our national culture. They’ve been on the continent almost as long as white people. Our society has evolved with the contributions of both black and white people. To the extent that there is a “white” culture and a “black” culture (categories that clearly include a great deal of variety and individuality within them), they have evolved together, contributing to one another in both many, many ways. African-Americans are as “American” as the rest of us.

It is obvious to me that, as the title to this book suggests, race still matters in the U.S. and around the world. The sooner that white people in the U.S. accept and publicly acknowledge this reality, the sooner we will be able to take true steps to equality.

lincoln’s virtues: an ethical biography

“Let us have faith that right makes might, and in that faith, let us, to the end, dare to do our duty as we understand it.”

So said Abraham Lincoln at New York’s Cooper Union on February 27, 1860. It was near the beginning of his successful campaign to become President and he was speaking both in general and, more specifically, about slavery’s role in each state and in the nation as a whole.

I started reading about Lincoln in the hope of learning something about politics and speeches; I wanted a politician I could respect and from whom I could feel good about learning. Perusing the titles and back covers at a local bookstore, I discovered Lincoln’s Virtues: An Ethical Biography (William Lee Miller, 2002). As a first book on Lincoln’s life, it’s probably not the best choice. It is a pretty dense analysis of Lincoln’s argument, his moral, ethical, and logical treatment of issues. It’s slow going and I finished three or four other books during the time I was working on it. However, I did learn some valuable lessons:

1. Prepare. In a series of now-famous debates, Lincoln—a self-taught lawyer from backwoods Illinois and at the time a one-term Congressman—took on one of the most powerful politicians of the era (Stephen Douglas) on the most controversial subject (slavery) in the nation. He didn’t win every point, but he did respectably most of the time and, more important, he clearly articulated his position. Lincoln spent months preparing for this work, a habit that he carried into almost everything that he did.
2. Work from something incontrovertible—or as close as you can get. Lincoln based his arguments against slavery on carefully worked out trains of logic that were founded on the Declaration of points Independence, the Constitution of the United States, and the fundamental humanity of all human beings. While some people denied the full humanity of black slaves, Lincoln’s position was ultimately redeemed by the weight of majority opinion and the logic that if one group can be enslaved and dehumanized today, there’s no justification for not enslaving your group tomorrow.
3. Do the politics. Lincoln was a consummate politician. He counted votes. He curried favor, formed coalitions, and helped build a major political party. He argued, cajoled, encouraged, motivated, and twisted arms. He used most of the legal and respectable tools available to carry his points and win his goals—though he didn’t always win. He didn’t shy away from talking to those with whom he didn’t agree and he acknowledged the expertise and ability of others, sometimes even those who had disparaged him in the past. (His Secretary of War through most of the Civil War, Edwin Stanton, is a great example of someone who had strongly opposed Lincoln’s election, but who Lincoln appointed anyway because of his skills; the two became a powerful team.)
4. Do it because it’s right. Even under intense political pressure, Lincoln seemed never to lose sight of his larger goals and never to let personal gain be more important then communal good. At one point, trying to become the Senator from Illinois (something he wanted very much), he realized he couldn’t win and threw his support behind a candidate with less initial popularity (and who hadn’t supported him), but who was much preferred politically. He thereby helped his party and his ideological stance win, despite the personal loss. Consistently, he chose the right thing, as he defined it, over personal feelings (again, Stanton’s appointment is a good example).

Certainly, there are many perspectives on Lincoln and Miller’s is just one. However, Miller’s attempt to trace Lincoln’s moral and ethical development provides powerful access to and analysis of a crucial figure in our nation’s history. Whether you agree with Miller’s relatively rosy picture of Lincoln or not, looking at Lincoln through the lens of morality is welcome at a time when ethical behavior and moral principles seem, at least to this observer, less and less a part of our political rhetoric and life.

don’t think of an elephant!

George Lakoff’s near classic primer on framing, Don’t Think of an Elephant! Know your Values and Frame the Debate: The Essential Guide for Progressives (2004), is a great little book for learning how to talk and think in the political world. He outlines the worldviews of both conservatives and progressives in a simply, easy to digest way that helps you keep it in mind and communicate the differences more clearly. In fact, it’s a little too simple—notwithstanding Lakoff’s minimal attempt to nuance the ideas—and probably that’s appropriate in today’s short attention span world.

That doesn’t mean Lakoff is simple. On the contrary, he is a cognitive scientist and linguist and his approach reflects that training. He looks at how people think and make decisions and vote and then at the language people use to influence each other. He tries to find the underlying themes and logic that unite what might otherwise seem like contradictory positions and behaviors. The results are powerful for understanding our society’s politics.

Because he is primarily trying to identify the themes that unite each of two opposing sides, his analysis elides many of the differences that sometimes cut across his dualistic approach. I’m thinking especially of identity issues—race, class, gender, sexuality, and others. Lakoff very briefly discusses these issues as one of the six main strains of progressive ideology, but he is self-consciously trying to bridge those differences and his treatment is probably unsatisfying to many who identify with those strains. That is, I think many people might see the intelligence of his thinking and still feel he’s missing some important issues.

Nevertheless, the book is valuable as a handbook of technique and skills—essential background for the activist, thinker, and aspiring politico.

torturing democracy

Torture is wrong. Our nation and our president should say that and act like we believe it.

Sherry Jones and Carey Murphy have created a documentary called Torturing Democracy reporting on the use of torture by the US government since 9/11. truthout.org has a good entry on the film and on what we should do to move on from the strange and very seriously messed up place the US is now in with regard to torture.

race and recession report

The Applied Research Center has put out a report entitled “Race and Recession: How Inequity Rigged the Economy and how to Change the Rules,” telling the story of the way our current recession disproportionately impacts people of color. The report uncovers root causes of long-term racial inequities that fed into the economic crisis and proposes structural solutions to change a system that threatens future generations.

See a video about the report and down load it at: http://www.arc.org/content/view/726/136/.

up where we belong

Gail Thompson interviewed 121 out of 136 (89%) teachers at a large urban high school asking them about their school, their colleagues, their students, the parents of their students, the quality of their own work, and their ability to be effective teachers. She asked the teachers to respond to prompts like:

• “I consider my current school site to be one of the best public schools in this district”
• “I believe that most of the teachers at this school are outstanding educators”
• “The majority of my students come from decent homes”
• “I care about my students’ academic and personal welfare both inside and outside of school.”

I’m happy to say that a large majority of them responded in ways that we would like; that is, most of the teachers agreed that they worked in one of the best schools in the district, that their colleagues were outstanding teachers, that their students live in decent homes, and that they care about their students. Further, most of the teachers believe they are making a difference for their students, that they are using innovative and pedagogically sound instructional practices, and that their students would rate highly as a teacher. Based on these answers and despite all the problems that we know exist in public schools, we can at least feel that teachers in those schools have the right attitudes and that they believe in themselves, their schools, and their students.

A deeper look at all the questions (52 in all) she asked reveals a more complicated picture.

• When asked if they would want their “own children to attend this school” only 29% agreed.
  80% of the teachers agreed that some of their “colleagues do not have high expectations of their students.”
• 64% “believe that parents or guardians are largely to blame for students’ low achievement.”
  Nearly 40% of the teachers didn’t “believe that all students deserve a college preparatory curriculum.”
• And, when asked if students are largely to blame when they “fail to pass a test or fail an assignment,” 57% of the teachers agreed.

Thompson also surveyed the students in the same school. She asked them to respond to statements like:

• “Most of my teachers are good teachers.”
• “Most of my teachers are willing to give me extra help during class if I need it.”
• “I wish I had better teachers.”
• “Most of my teachers are fair about discipline.”
• “I believe most of my teachers care about me.”

As we would hope, most students answered that their teachers are good, fair, caring and willing to help, yet there were marked differences between the way Blacks, Latinos, and Whites (the groups that made up 90% of the student population) responded. Significantly less percentage of the Black and Latino students (56% and 57%, respectively), for instance, thought most of their teachers cared about them than White students (70%).

Even more important, student responses were different from teacher responses in ways that, I believe, should make teachers sit up and pay attention. For example, 97% of the teachers said they care about their students, but as we just saw, less than 70% of the students felt their teachers cared about them. 91% of teachers said they “make the curriculum relevant” to their students’ lives, but only just over half of the students agreed with similar prompts about their courses.

While differences between student and teacher perceptions is a big part of the story of Up Where We Belong, the book Thompson wrote based partially on her surveys, the real punch comes from the voices of the students from focus groups she conducted with them to follow up the surveys. The students tell us what happens when their teachers make them feel stupid or discipline them unfairly or just don’t seem to care. They also describe what a powerful force for good a caring, skilled teacher is when he or she believes in his or her students. Those stories, combined with Thompson’s own experiences as one of “America’s stepchildren”—a term, she uses “to refer to African Americans, Latinos, Southeast Asians, Native Americans, and sometimes even low-income whites, because members of these groups are often marginalized and treated as second-class citizens in schools and the wider society”—make the book immanently readable, emotionally effective, and compellingly motivational.  The result is a persuasive argument for the educational reform “lessons” Thompson learned through her work:

• Lies, subterfuge, and denial are “weapons of mass destruction” that impede school reform and harm many students, especially America’s stepchildren.
• Some people in high places don’t really want achievement gaps to be closed.
• Too many influential people still don’t believe that Americas’ stepchildren are capable of academic excellence.
• Oppressive school settings, inadequate teacher preparation programs, and a lack of support will continue to drive new teachers out of the profession.
• As long as their voices, needs, and concerns continue to be ignored, teachers and students will find creative ways to derail school reform efforts.
• At best, school reforms that are based on high-stakes testing will produce “tuna” that looks like Star-Kist but is not the real thing.
• Because of resistance and racial prejudice, it is difficult for African American and Latino school administrators to improve the status quo in K-12 schools.

Books about education reform come in all shades of ideology; Thompson’s is useful and different because it is based, and sets the standard for successful reform, on what the students themselves say. Too often, student voices are not part of this discussion. Thompson listens to students and helps us all hear what they say. Let us hope that the Obama administration is listening, too.

high school equity link

The broad-based coalition, Campaign for High School Equity, has created what it calls the “Plan for Success,” which seeks to prepare “every student for graduation, college, work, and life.”

Every school year, about 1.2 million students drop out of our nation’s high schools, leaving almost one of every three freshmen without a high school degree four years later. While roughly 70 percent of all high school students graduate on time, African American, Hispanic, and American Indian and Alaska Native students have only a 58 percent or less chance of graduating from high school with a regular diploma. In addition – and contrary to the model minority myth – many Asian Americans also face barriers in education.

The Campaign for High School Equity’s inaugural publication, A Plan for Success: Communities of Color Define Policy Priorities for High School Reform, makes a compelling case for the need to invest in high schools and provides a blueprint for meaningful reform. Its recommendations include a call to:

• Make all students proficient and prepared for college and work;
• Hold high schools accountable for student success;
• Redesign the American high school;
• Provide students with the excellent leaders and teachers they need to succeed;
• Invest communities in student success; and
• Provide equitable learning conditions for all students.

Download the plan at: http://www.highschoolequity.org/files/PlanforSuccess_0.pdf